THOUGHT FOR THE DAY (CANADA
DAY EDITION)
[Canada's] new
flag and [its] new
anthem were part of the triumph of
Liberalism. The twentieth century was once commonly said
to belong to Canada, but it turned out to belong to the
federal Liberal Party. Modern Canada is the creation of
the Liberal Party, and it made it in its own image, even
more thoroughly than Sir
John A Macdonald succeeded in doing, when
he organized the Confederation of Britain's North American
colonies on the basis of a common loyalty to the Crown
that was best expressed by his Conservative Party. Even
after Brian
Mulroney's victory, the Liberal presence is
to the Canadian consciousness what the New Deal is to the
American, except that there has not subsequently been an
Eisenhower overlay, let alone a Reagan countermine. The
Liberal hegemony also began rather earlier, at least by 1921,
and quite arguably in 1896.
Its cultural consequences have been immense. When Canadian
publicists talk about Canada or the interests of Canada,
when Toronto Star Ottawa correspondent Richard
Gwyn, throughout his valuable and highly
successful Trudeau biography, The
Northern Magus, refers unguardedly to
"we" and "us," it is crucial to know
that they are invariably talking about Canadian Liberaldom
and its necessities, often without realizing it. "The
1968 election was our last joyous collective experience
together," Gwyn, at the time an Ottawa bureaucrat,
remembers fondly. "We'd dreamed the impossible
dream...We called it, in 1968, Trudeau-mania. Really, it
was Canada-mania." But only 45% of Canadians voted
for it.
—Peter
Brimelow, The
Patriot Game (published 1986 but as true
now as then)
Kevin
Michael Grace, 8.50 p.m., 30 June 2005►

YOU ASKED FOR IT
People are flocking to this site in search of
information about Carolyn Stewart Olsen. Happy to oblige.
For the uninitiated, CSO is Stephen Harper's press
secretary and tipped to soon test the Peter Principle as
Opposition Leader's Office communications director, where
she would follow in the footsteps of my old friend Ersatz
Levant.
According to Canadian
Press,
"Carolyn Stewart Olsen
is an issue for a lot of people—her
relationship with the leader and her inability to work
well with people," a Tory strategist said on
condition of anonymity.
Insiders say Harper highly
values Stewart Olsen's loyalty, a relationship that
solidified during his successful bid for the Tory
leadership in 2004.
But making her communications
director will only worsen Harper's already rocky relations
with national media, said one source.
Stewart Olsen did not
immediately return phone calls Wednesday.
Quelle surprise. You can read an amusing account
of my own contretemps with Carolyn Competent
Charming here.
Or you can read this
and learn just how loyal she really is.
Kevin
Michael Grace, 10.35 p.m., 29 June 2005►

ABOMINATION OF DESOLATION

Behold the Freedom
Tower, which is to rise 82 stories above
the 9/11 memorial in New York City. Nicolai Ouroussoff of
the The New York Times excoriates
the revised design, unveiled today, as
- "the darkness at Ground Zero"
- "somber, oppressive and clumsily
conceived"
- "a monument to a society that has turned its
back on any kind of cultural openness"
- "a chilling expression of
how the United States is reshaping its identity in a
post-Sept 11 context"
- a "fail[ure] on almost every
level"
- "fascinating in the way that
Albert
Speer's architectural nightmares
were fascinating"
- "an ideal symbol for an
empire enthralled with its own power and unaware that
it is fading"
Yikes. Besides his obvious mastery
of vituperation, Ouroussoff does not lack a sense
of humour, likening the tower to "a
gigantic glass paperweight with a toothpick stuck on
top." My first thought was that the tower resembles a
hypodermic needle as designed by Michael
Graves, but this is unfair to Graves, whose
housewares
manifest a certain playfulness and are pleasing to the
eye.
Ouroussoff concedes that, given the security
requirements that constrained the architects, the
"Freedom Center complex"—and
what a gruesome concatenation of words that is—was
pretty much preordained to be forbidding. But that didn't
stop them from twittering on about what they would
doubtless describe as the tower's "referents":
The
fortress-like appearance of the base was inspired by the Strozzi
Palace in Florence,
the relationship between the base and the soaring tower by
Brancusi's
"Bird in Space."
Yes, much in the same manner the McDonald's menu was
inspired by "food." Can we just drop the
pretence? Whatever thread that connected us to Paris
between the wars, let alone Renaissance Italy, has been
cut. New York is home to many of the world's greatest
skyscrapers, including the Empire
State Building and the Chrysler
Building, monuments from an bygone age when
architecture could still inspire instead of merely
oppress. We couldn't build them today, and even if we
could, we wouldn't want to.
The creation of civic beauty is an idea now beyond our
ken. So it's best not to try. We'd all be better off if we
concentrated on saving that which deserves to be saved and
stuck to the creation of things we're good at creating:
videogames and TV commercials.
Kevin
Michael Grace, 10.35 p.m., 29 June 2005►

THOUGHT FOR THE DAY
In retrospect, one can see
that the whole root of the [English Reformation] was to be
found in the deficiencies of Henry [VIII]'s own
reproductive system, not in the shortcomings of his
six unfortunate wives, not in the weakness of the
unreformed English Church and not in the tortuous
politics of the Vatican chancery. But Henry
was not a man to admit his deficiencies. Rather than admit
them, he was prepared to put all his subjects in all his
realms through years of revolutionary turmoil and to kill
every person who stood in his way.
The plan, as devised by
Thomas Cromwell, was terrifyingly simple. In all matters
of faith, save one, England was to held within the
strictest bounds of traditional Catholicism. The Pope was
to removed as Head of the Church, to facilitate a divorce.
At the same time the wealth of the Church was to be
despoiled and divided among Henry's sycophants, to offset
political reaction. All the acts of the Reformation
Parliament, 1529-1536, were designed to these ends. The
Act of Restraint on Appeals (1533) cut off the English
clergy from Rome and from canon law. The Act for
Ecclesiastical Appointments (1534) gave the Crown complete
control over the Church hierarchy; the Act concerning
Peter's Pence (1534) stopped all financial contributions
to Rome; and finally, the Act of Supremacy (1534) created
an independent and formally separatist Church of England
with the monarch at its head. The Act for the Dissolution
of the Monasteries (1536) abolished a few nests of
corruption together with the greatest network of social
and educational welfare that England had ever known...
Until recently, little
attention was paid to the thoroughgoing ideological system
which Thomas Cromwell invented in order to lubricate his
legislative program. Since few doctrinal novelties were
introduced at this stage, it was long assumed that little
had changed in the realm of ideas. Yet close examination
of the Reformation
statutes shows that each was prefaced by a
preamble containing radical theological and historical
postulates. Cromwell was not content to create a new legal
framework for Church and state. He took great care to
present theoretical arguments to justify the changes. In
particular, he set out to demonstrate two things: firstly,
that the old order which he was destroying had been
illegitimate: and secondly, that England was returning to
an older, purer state of affairs, which had been steadily
corrupted in the intervening period by the false teaching
and corrupt practices of the Papacy. His arguments centred
on the themes of England as a "sovereign
empire," of the self-sufficiency of English law: and
of historical precedent...

Thomas Cromwell (Hans Holbein):
Theoretician and legislator of English despotism
Cromwell was claiming to
uphold a historic right whereby England has supposedly
always been completely independent of all extraneous
authority. He was denying the validity of the status which
everyone in England had accepted for more than a thousand
years...
If one adds the claim to a
legal imperium or "absolute sovereignty" to the
claim regarding Supreme Headship of the Church and the
claim regarding historical continuity, one sees the full
extent of Henry VIII's ambitions as formulated by
Cromwell. The scholar
who has brought these matters to light
asserts that they made Henry "the most absolute
monarch in Europe." He might well have said "the
most absolute monarch in Latin Christendom." For the
powers that Cromwell was inventing were most similar to
those of the "Caesaro-papism"
of the Byzantine tradition in the Orthodox Church. Henry
VIII was the Ivan the Terrible of the West. Cromwell's
ideological inventions resemble those in Russia concerning
the "Third
Rome." It may be no accident that
whilst Anglicans have never been able to reconcile
themselves with Roman Catholics, they have had no
difficulty entering into full communion with the Russian
Orthodox...
In order to show that Henry
VIII was doing nothing new, Cromwell was prepared to
revise the whole long history of Anglo-Papal relations...
What is more, [Cromwell's]
propositions were supported by a new and terrifying
definition of treason. Since the monarch was now to be
seen as head of both the temporal and the spiritual sphere
any deviation in religious practice or belief could be
interpreted as an offence against the Crown. Sacrilege was
deliberately confused with politics: anyone who did
"slanderously and maliciously publish and
pronounce...that the king our sovereign lord should be
heretic [or] schismatic...shall be adjudged traitors"
and "the offenders therein and their aiders,
consenters, counsellors and abettors...shall have and
suffer such pains of death and other penalties, as limited
and accustomed in cases of high treason." Religious
non-conformity, understood in the widest possible context,
was punishable by death. The Spanish Inquisitors could not
have hoped for more.
—Norman Davies, The
Isles: A History
Kevin
Michael Grace, 11.25 a.m., 29 June 2005►

FAITH OF MY FATHERS

Henry Stuart: Fin de ligne
A friend of mine, a student of history, asked yesterday
for my verdict on the "greatest English king."
Rather absentmindedly, I replied Edward I. What I had
meant to say was Edward III, but my favourite English king
is actually Henry
Stuart. Brother of the Young Pretender, he
was a better man in every respect than the dissolute
Bonnie Prince Charlie. Longtime Cardinal-Bishop
of Frascati, he ascended to the throne in
1788, whereupon he had a medal struck with the (Latin)
inscription "Henry IX, King of Great Britain, France
and Ireland, not by the Will of Men but by the Grace of
God." And this is why I love him.

Henry IX: Deo rex, a rege lex
A fine account of Henry's life can be found in James
Lees-Milne's The
Last Stuarts. Lees-Milne, a somewhat
absurd and rather fantastic figure, has become
posthumously famous for his savage diaries.
I see that his website
is kept by the lawyer and author Michael
Bloch, a somewhat fantastic figure himself.
The Old
Cause has always been my cause, but it is
only recently I discovered, to my great excitement and
pride, my connections to it. The founder of the Grace clan
was a Norman adventurer, Odo,
Comte de Champagne. He came with his
brother-in-law William the Conqueror (or
Bastard, according to taste) to England in 1066 and later
styled himself Earl of Albemarle. His son Stephen married
Hawise, daughter of Ralph de Mortimer, and their eldest
son, William, was styled variously "Gros" or
"Gras" (fat); and it is from the corruption of
these sobriquets that the family
name derives.
The main line of the Grace family translated to Ireland
in the early 13th century. There they became the barons of
Tullaroan (Courtstown) and, as family legend has it,
"more Irish than the Irish." Great landowners
for centuries, their fortune was greatly imperiled by the
Elizabethan and Cromwellian regimes and did not survive
the "Glorious Revolution." More important than
this, however, the Graces preserved their honour. Valiant
defenders of the Faith, many distinguished themselves in
the service of James II, in particular, Colonel
Richard Grace, who led the defence of
Athlone. The Graces of Courtstown were dispossessed in
1697 by William of Orange, the Dutch sodomite and usurper,
and their property sold to English mercantilists.
In The History and Antiquities of the Diocese of
Ossory, Canon William Carrigan writes of John Grace,
MP, JP:
He was one of the first to
receive a commission from the Earl of Tyrconnell, after
that nobleman was appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland;
and he raised for King James's service a Regiment of Foot,
of which he was Colonel, and a troop of Horse. In reward
for the zeal he displayed, it was King James's intention
to create him a peer, and an unfinished patent for that
purpose was found in Dublin after the King's flight. A
proposal was made to him to bring over his men to King
William's side, but he indignantly refused, and wrote back
a message to that effect on the first thing he could lay
hand upon, which happened to be a playing card—the
six of hearts—which from this
circumstance became locally known as "Grace's
Card."
I would like to think I have inherited something of his
spirit and that this explains my undying hatred of
trimmers and betrayers.
Kevin
Michael Grace, 8.25 a.m., 29 June 2005►

ACCENTUATE THE
CONTRADICTIONS I
From the Canadian
Press 27 June:
Stephen Harper says any gay
marriage law will be stamped with illegitimacy because it
will owe its passage to Quebec separatists.
Same-sex marriage
legislation, which is expected to become law later this
week with the votes of the Bloc Québécois, would have
been thwarted if only federalists MPs were casting
ballots, the Conservative leader said Monday.
"Because it's being
passed with the support of the Bloc, I think it will lack
legitimacy with most Canadians," Harper told CBC
Newsworld.
"The truth is most
federalist MPs oppose this."
Stephen Harper: political genius. The Liberals accuse
him of being "in bed" with the separatists. What
to do? If you're Stephen Harper, you don't instruct the
Liberals on the nature of Parliament. No, that would
require some allegiance to principle. What you do instead
is to raise the Liberals and suggest that Quebec's votes
don't really count. Well done, Stephen!
This is the genius that led him, during last year's
election campaign, to accuse the Liberals of being
insufficiently pro-abortion—sorry,
insufficiently supportive of a "woman's
rights [sic] to choose." If I
were of a conspiratorial frame of mind, I might suggest
that Stephen Harper is a paid agent of the Liberal Party,
for whenever they stumble, Harper is there to help
them to their feet. After the Belinda
Stronach and Gurmant
Grewal fiascos, I thought that Harper had
achieved the impossible; he'd somehow managed to allow the
Liberals to perpetrate a constitutional
coup d'état without a loss of
popular support. Now I see I'd misjudged the man; Stephen
Harper has somehow managed to turn this session of
Parliament, the most shameful in our our history, into a popular
gain for the Liberals. Well done, Stephen!
Pop quiz: Q: The Conservative Party of Canada supports
or opposes a) the original Liberal budget b) the revised,
NDP-friendly Liberal budget c) bringing down the
government and forcing an election? Stumped? You're not
alone. They have argued both sides of all three questions
so often they have managed to achieve something else
previously thought impossible: they are now regarded as
bigger hypocrites than the Liberals. Well done, Stephen!
Back on May
19, the Conservatives got the confidence
motion the Liberals had long denied them. They stood
shoulder to shoulder with the Bloc Québécois that day
and lost by a single vote. Five weeks later, the Liberals
faced another confidence vote, again precipitated by the
desire the Conservatives share (or shared) with the Bloc
to force an election. This time they came up five votes
short, after falling victim to the same "counting
problem" that brought down Joe Clark's
Conservative government in 1979. Instead of sacking his
House leadership, Stephen Harper decided to blame
the Bloc for forcing a vote he'd demanded
repeatedly.
"When push comes to
shove, the Liberals will make any deal with anybody,"
Harper said after the vote. "And it doesn't matter
whether it's with the socialists or with the separatists
or any bunch of crooks they can find. That's how they
govern the country."
What a maroon.
Stephen Harper has much more in common with Stockwell
Day than I could have imagined.*
They are both vain, prideful and much less clever than
they think they are. They both think they they are experts
in everything and thus refuse to take advice, however
well-intentioned. That's why this business of Harper's
"image problem" is past a joke. Stephen Harper
doesn't have an image problem; he has a Stephen Harper
problem.
From the Canadian Press 15 June:
Some fingers point at two of
Harper's closest advisers and keepers: former campaign
manager Tom Flanagan and spokeswoman Carolyn Stewart
Olsen.
These stories all miss the point: Stephen Harper is the
only adviser and keeper Stephen Harper thinks he needs. He
is his own press secretary, his own political strategist,
even his own scheduler. Honestly, what other political
leader in Canada could turn a family visit to the Hockey
Hall of Fame into a controversy about why he avoided
the Gay Pride Parade? But this is the same
man who thinks it a good idea for the Canadian people to
get to know him "up close and personal" even
after he has revealed he cannot be trusted to attend a
photo-op involving children without snapping
"Don't touch me!" at one of them.
A revealing anecdote: a former colleague, a much more
likeable fellow than myself, found himself living in
Harper's neighbourhood in Calgary. He has children; Harper
has children. So they often found themselves at the same
park. Now this fellow knows Harper, has met him several
times, interviewed him several times more. While at the
park, he would invariably nod in greeting. Harper's
invariable response: the thousand-yard stare. Not
"Don't touch me!" so much as "Don't bug
me!"
Several of the "Blogging Tory" sites come
with this
warning (or a similar one): "This blog
not only endorses the Conservative Party of Canada but
also Stephen Harper as its leader." After due
consideration, I have also decided to support the Stupid
Party and not only but especially endorse Stephen
Harper as its leader.
This decision may surprise faithful readers, but it has
long been my position that not only must the Conservative
Party be destroyed but that everything it stands for must
be dealt a mortal blow. And Stephen Harper is doing very
nicely indeed on both these fronts. Especially of late.
Especially today.
After today's little outburst, "govern" is
not a verb that will appear in any appraisals of Stephen
Harper's future as a federal political leader. If he had
the slightest self-awareness, he'd make my
prediction come true and resign by Canada
Day. I know that he doesn't, and I'm guessing that he
won't, and so I couldn't be happier. Another year of
Stephen Harper's leadership will do to the Conservative
Party what Stockwell Day's leadership did to the Alliance
Party: kill it stone dead.
*One
significant difference: Stockwell Day is not a nasty man,
as I know from personal experience.
Kevin
Michael Grace, 11.15 p.m., 27 June 2005►


RALLY ROUND THE FLAG, BOYS
Earlier this week I had the pleasure of making the
acquaintance of fellow blogger Chris Selley. The occasion
was, oh, let's just say, Italian business. A smart
fellow, I thought, but I had no idea how patriotic
he was. My excuse for Canadian patriotism is just because.
I've never pretended to actually like modern
Canadian cultural profusions. Especially in popular music.
Not by any Canadians who've actually not buggered off
somewhere else the first chance they got, that is.
The first Canadians qua Canadians I can remember
in pop music were Paul Anka and Bobby Curtola. And things
haven't gotten much better in the 40 years plus since
then. Sometime in the 1990s, however, I encountered a
strange phenomenon: Canadian bands that don't suck. Not
that any of them will be on view in Barrie 2 July at
Live8.
Ooh, goody, a free concert. Except that I wouldn't see
the Barenaked Ladies, Bryan Adams and Blue Rodeo if you
paid me. Gordon Lightfoot might be interesting on the
Perry Como: Still Alive! principle, but I'd pay money not
to see that simpering commie Bruce Cockburn or the (plod,
plod, plod, plod, portentous reference, plod, plod, plod,
plod) Tragically Hip. I know little about aggressive
beardie Sam Roberts, save for his appalling performance at
SARSfest, and even less about Tegan and Sara, save that
their pics make them look cute in a gelfling kinda way,
but Selley sez:
If you held a gun to my head
and forced me to pick any of the Live 8 shows other than
London's to attend (and you'd need the gun), I would
choose Barrie. Seriously.
De gustibus non disputandum est, etc etc, but
oh, come on. Selley mocks the Berlin concert:
Brian Wilson, Green Day, Roxy
Music. (Biggest international star: Green Day.)
And this is where I begin to believe his patriotism has
seriously clouded his judgement. First off, I don't
believe Billy Joe, et al., would dare to claim they
are bigger stars than Brian Wilson. Second, these three
acts have accomplished between them an order of magnitude
more greatness than Canadian pop music in toto, let
alone die Meistersinger von Barrie.
Selley axes:
You're
sure there aren't a whole
lot
of
Canadian artists
who
are young,
critically
acclaimed and
internationally popular
who
just don't
happen
to be on the bill?
Maybe so, but this is our MOR v theirs. And by
this measure, to anyone not blinded by chauvinism, we
still suck.
Kevin
Michael Grace, 11.15 p.m., 25 June 2005►

THOUGHT FOR THE DAY
Truth is like sunlight—people
used to think it was good for you.
—Nancy Hicks Gribble, "I Remember Mono," King
Of The Hill
Kevin
Michael Grace, 8.26 p.m., 25 June 2005►

DEADWEIGHT
I was writing an essay based on Butt-head's
contention that the Beatles "ruined
music," but I've decided to let it germinate. So this
will have to tide you over for now.
Beatles forever
The Fab Four have gone from pop sensation to cultural
artifact
The Report
January 1, 2001
In a 4 March 1966 interview
with Maureen Cleave of the London Evening
Standard, John Lennon declared, "Christianity
will go. It will vanish and shrink. I needn't argue with
that; I'm right and will be proved right. We're more
popular than Jesus now. I don't know which will go
first—rock and roll or Christianity." Thirty-four
years later, John Lennon is 20 years dead. Christianity is
rather more popular than Lennon would have liked; but the
Beatles are rather more popular than he could have
imagined.
They released their last album in 1970,
the year John, Paul, George and Ringo went their separate
ways. Last month their record company released 1,
a compilation of all their No. 1 hits—from the insipid
"Love Me Do," to the lugubrious "The Long
and Winding Road," with 25 rather better songs in
between—on one CD. It went straight to No. 1 in Canada,
the U.S. and Britain, an achievement unprecedented in the
history of popular music. The album has quickly become the
fastest selling record of all time. [It is RIAA-certified
10-times platinum as of 15 April 2005—Ed.]

1: One world, one people, one pop group
"Does it really need an
explanation?" asks Ira Robbins, editor of the Trouser
Press Record Guide. "Not to be
dismissive, but this is essentially a marketing moment.
It's not as if people are suddenly rising up and saying,
'God, those Beatles were really great!' We've just seen
Lennon's 60th birthday, the 20th anniversary of his death,
the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame Exhibit, the miniseries.
It's just one of those years that's going to be good for
the Beatles."
And there's The
Beatles Anthology, a coffee-table
compilation of pictures and interviews heavy enough to
kill a cat, that lists at $92 [since reduced to $60 list
and discounted to $37.80—Ed.] and sits at No. 1
on the Washington Post's General/Non-fiction
best-sellers list. Two weeks ago, Rolling
Stone declared "Yesterday"
the greatest pop song of all time, while in August, Mojo
declared "In My Life" the
greatest song of all time. In June, Q
opined that Revolver was the greatest
British album ever.
Yet none of this explains why 1
went to No. 1. It does offer better value for money than
other Beatles compilations, but these songs have been
endlessly repackaged, and there are no rarities or other
extras. So who's buying it? Jay, a clerk at the downtown
Vancouver Sam The Record Man, reports that about half his
store's sales are to the middle-aged.
For the boomers, the Beatles need no
explanation. Oldies radio stations claim they play the
"soundtrack of your lives," but for the '60s
generation, the Beatles were more than just the
soundtrack. It is hard to explain to younger people just
how ubiquitous they were. There had never been a
phenomenon like Beatlemania, and there never will be
again. The Beatles were the standard-bearer for a youth
movement that was beginning to feel its power and would
soon bring governments to their knees. Lennon apologized,
in typically sarcastic fashion, for his outburst to
Maureen Cleave, but what he said was arguably true. His
blasphemy made the front page of every newspaper in the
non-Communist world.
But it was impossible to stay angry with
them for long. Young people dressed like them, talked like
them, wore their hair and beards like them, took drugs
because they did and adopted Eastern spirituality because
they took a short-lived liking to a "giggling
guru" called the Maharishi. Eat your heart out, Slim
Shady.

Sgt Pepper: The glory that was Greece...the
grandeur that was Rome
Langdon
Winner wrote that with the 1967 release of Sgt
Pepper the Western world was more unified than it had
been since the Congress of Vienna in 1815. It sounds
fatuous today, but it was true. Tony
Palmer was ridiculed for comparing the
Beatles's songs to Schubert's compositions, but it is
doubtful that the great poets Schubert set to music—even
Goethe—moved youth as intensely as Lennon and McCartney
did.
Enthusiasts even claimed the Beatles
were the Beethovens of their day. Thirty years—even 130
years—after his death, people listened to Beethoven's
works with greater enthusiasm than they had when he was
alive. Brahms despaired of writing symphonies because it
was believed that Ludwig van had exhausted the genre.
Nobody has ever claimed that the Fab Four exhausted the
pop song.
So what do today's youth see in the
Beatles? Rachel Sa, a 19-year-old Sun Media columnist and
University of Toronto undergraduate, says, "They are
really huge at my university." In her opinion,
"If music or any kind of popular culture can
transcend a generation, it's going to survive." She
confesses, "I'm not an avid fan, but I do enjoy their
music." She prefers David Bowie, who became a star in
the 1970s. Coincidentally, Bowie has recently been named
the most
influential living musician by the New
Musical Express. Radiohead was second, the Beatles
third.
When asked to give a visual image of the
1960s, Sa chooses the movie Woodstock. She has
never known an unsegregated musical world. "When I
was in school the teenyboppers listened to New Kids On The
Block; now they listen to Ricky Martin and Britney
Spears," she says. "They're huge now, but will
they last? God, I hope not."

Woodstock: Not since Passchendaele (or Glastonbury) had
the world
witnessed such horror
Robbins says the recrudescent popularity
of the Beatles is "one of the very rare cases in
recent years where you've seen cultural memory actually
extend backwards. Bands that were exciting to us in our
30s [he is 45] are not even on the radar screen for people
aged 15. Young people today grow up fully capable of
denying that anything they didn't live through didn't
happen. You watch VH1's Behind The Music, and all
the stuff that happened more than five or 10 years ago is
comical to young people. Charlie Chaplin, the Beatles and
the Clash are pretty much equivalently in the distant
past."
When asked earlier this year to name his
favourite album, Al
Gore picked Rubber Soul. But then,
as Robbins points out, Gore also claimed his
favourite novel is Stendhal's The
Red and the Black. Robbins concludes,
"The Beatles fit in a box called 'Greatest
Band.'" Here is the secret of their continuing
success: they have become a cultural artifact, Jane Austen
with yeah, yeah, yeahs. John Lennon would not have liked
that. So maybe Christianity has won after all.
Kevin
Michael Grace, 9.00 p.m., 23 June 2005►

COKE IS IT
I remain agnostic on the question of whether redneckism
is possible north of Interstate
80 or north of the 49th parallel. But I
have discovered proof
positive it is alive and well inside the
Beltway.
Kevin
Michael Grace, 12.56 p.m., 23 June 2005►

ATTENTION CANADIAN IDOL
FANS
No, I don't know anything about Ben Mulroney's
girlfriend. Or even, despite previous claims to the
contrary, whether he has one. So, in other words, I don't
know whether Ben
Mulroney is gay. I do know, however, that
until last year he wrote a
column for Sun Media. So he often appeared
in the pages of the Calgary Sun. This must not,
however, be interpreted as evidence of an Ashton
Kutcher-Demi Moore-type-deal with super-editor Licia
Corbella.
God knows how these things get started, but the man
next to the khimar-wearing Licia Corbella in the
photograph that appears regularly in this space is not
Ben Mulroney. Ben is at least five years older and two
inches taller. And he is much more tan. So, no, Ben has
not swept Licia off to his Lahore lovenest. And no, Licia
has not converted to Islam and changed her first name to
Haiyqa. She is neither learning Urdu nor working for Ben
Mulroney's Movement for Justice Party. And don't let
anyone tell you different.

Corbella (right): Yes to
Mulroney (left): Yes to damaging
hijab, no to Ben Mulroney UV
rays, no to Licia Corbella
Kevin
Michael Grace, 12.21 p.m., 23 June 2005►

PENSÉE
The secret to becoming a successful right-wing
columnist is to echo the mob while complimenting yourself
on your daring. That's all there is to Ann Coulter's
craft, the rest is exploitation of the sexual masochism of
the American male—he just can't get enough of the kitten
with claws. Rachel Marsden's success will depend on the
extent to which Canadian men now share the American
compulsion to embrace a whiplash girlchild in the dark.
Kevin
Michael Grace, 11.38 a.m., 22 June 2005►

COLLATERAL DAMAGE
After I took Calgary Sun columnist Teddy Boy
Byfield to task last week for a gross
sciolism, a friend remarked that my post
had been a waste of time. Somewhat hurt, I asked why. The Calgary
Sun is not in the First XI of editorial pages, this
person declared, obviously ignorant of the enormous esteem
in which I hold Calgary Sun editor Licia
Corbella. I responded, "Good day to
you!" and I'm afraid we remain estranged.
To mix sporting metaphors, Ms Corbella fields what I
like to call the "Murderer's
Row" of Canadian columnists. Besides
Teddy Boy, there's his son, Eric L "Hey, Where's My
$14,400?" Byfield, Rick "Tribune Of The
People" Bell, Janet L "Action" [sic]
Jackson, Paul "Hasta Mañana" Jackson,
Gerry "Two Turntables And A Microphone" Forbes,
"Not The Real" Bill Kaufmann and, of course, my
old friend, Ersatz "Without Prejudice" Levant.
I don't think it's any secret I've made the Calgary
Sun house style my model. All too often I fall short,
but Ms Corbella is surely partly to blame! She's set the
bar too darn high!! Consider the lead paragraph of J L
Jackson's 1
June column:
The 61st anniversary of D-Day
will take place this coming Monday—marking a day that
will forever be seen as a tremendous step forward in
defeating Hitler's reign of terror.
Ars longa, vita brevis—that's all you can say.
Ms Corbella demands nothing but the best from her
stable, and that's why Teddy Boy's 12
June column so distressed me. As I wrote,
Teddy Boy claimed that TV personality Barbara Walters had
declared that "being compelled to endure the
'spectacle' of a mother nursing her child was 'gross and
disgusting.'" As it turns out, Ms Walters did not use
the phrase "gross and disgusting" to describe
breast feeding.
At first glance, it seems preposterous that anyone
would believe Ms Walters had said what Teddy Boy accused
her of saying, but so authoritative is the Calgary Sun
editorial page that no less a personage than the
highly-esteemed American syndicated columnist Michelle
Malkin was taken in. Her 14
June column repeats Teddy Boy's falsehood.
After Ms Walters brought
this falsehood to Ms Malkin's attention,
she apologized on
her blog and in the next
edition of her syndicated column.
And yet neither Teddy Boy nor Licia Corbella has
apologized publicly to Ms Walters; Teddy Boy's egregious
falsehood continues to circulate on the Calgary Sun
website. I think if Ms Corbella were to check with libel
lawyers they would inform her that Teddy Boy's column
clearly libels Ms Walters and damages her exemplary
reputation.
As I'm certain Ms Corbella is aware, Canadian
defamation law is much stricter than the American standard
established by New
York Times Co. v. Sullivan—it is not
necessary to prove actual
malice in this country. But more important
than the liability to which Ms Corbella has, by printing
Teddy Boy's column, exposed herself and her employers,
there is the issue of truth. Like all responsible Canadian
journalists, Ms Corbella understands that the law of libel
is a sacred trust that exists to protect us all. For in
the words of the Immortal Bard,
Who steals my purse steals
trash; 'tis something, nothing;
'Twas mine, 'tis his, and has been slave to thousands:
But he that filches from me my good name
Robs me of that which not enriches him
And makes me poor indeed.

Corbella (left): The Harold
Ross of the Canadian Prairie
Kevin
Michael Grace, 4.11 a.m., 22 June 2005►

WHAT WOULD WE DO WITHOUT
THE GOOGLE CACHE?
Blog postings about Calgary Sun editor Licia
Corbella appear to be disappearing from the
Internet at an alarming (and accelerating) rate. This is
probably due to an excess of chronitons
in the subatomic interstices, but if anyone has an
alternative explanation, please drop me a line.

Corbella (right): The finest
editor Calgary has ever known
Kevin
Michael Grace, 11.57 p.m., 21 June 2005►

IN DEFENCE OF RADIO SHACK
Chris Selley takes, it seems to me, an
unseemly pleasure in the imminent
disappearance of the RadioShack brand:
The Shack's business model
was pretty much the polar opposite of the prevailing
big-box mentality: flood the store with greasy
salespeople, sell only two kinds of everything, charge a
fortune for it and take the customer's phone number when
they check out. There isn't a single goddamn thing you
could get at RadioShack that you can't get at Wal-Mart for
half the price...
I beg to differ. A couple of months ago I faced a
quandary. I had a digital camera but no USB cable. I had
assumed the USB cable for my digital voice recorder would
fit the camera. It didn't. I had already bought the wrong
kind of memory card (unreturnable) for the camera and so
I'd had to order the proper kind, then wait for it to
arrive by mail. I could have ordered a USB cable from eBay
(which is where I had bought the camera, the memory, the
NiMH batteries and their charger, separately) for a dollar
or two plus shipping, but I had already waited about six
weeks, and I wanted to take pictures now—not in
another week to three weeks, which is how long it usually
takes to get things via eBay, assuming Canada Customs
doesn't get involved. (Actually, not just take pictures
but also view and store them on my computer, which
is why the USB cable was necessary.)
I was willing to pay a premium for immediacy but no
more than 100%. No more than $20 Canadian total before
tax, that is. I walked to London Drugs, about half a mile
away, where a quick survey indicated, first, they didn't
have what I needed, and, second, I would have to wait an
eternity to speak to a salesperson. So I walked two miles
in the other direction to Future Shop, where the salesman
told me his store did not have what I needed. He added
that it was extremely unlikely I would find my USB cable
in any store. He recommended I buy a USB card reader,
obviating the need for a cable. Trouble was, this cost
more than $30 before tax, and I when I wrote that I was
determined to spend no more than $20 I didn't mention that
$23 was all I had in the world and that I'd had to sell
possessions to get it. So I walked to Wal-Mart, a half
mile away.
I have a firm Wal-Mart rule: no conversation with
employees. Two reasons: first, many do not speak English,
second, those that do would appear to have been raised
in Skinner boxes. They didn't have a USB
cable, but they did have a USB card reader, but the latter
was too expensive. On the walk back home, I stopped in at
Staples. Success: a card reader for $20.
It didn't work. The packaging claimed it was backwards
compatible with USB 1.0, but it was not and crashed my
computer repeatedly. So the next day, I trudged back to
Staples, got my money back and had just about resigned
myself to not taking pictures for a while. I hadn't tried
any photography stores because I was almost certain I'd be
wasting my time, but time is something I have plenty of,
so I tried Black's, a chain store in the Bay Centre mall,
where the young woman on the floor gave me exactly the
greeting I expected—I have no idea what you're on about,
and I don't give a rat's ass, either. On to Lens &
Shutter, where the woman behind the counter was much nicer
and much better informed—no, I don't have a cable that
will fit your semi-ancient Minolta S414; however, if you'd
invested in our brand, Canon, that is, I might have been
able to help you...
That was it then. I'd wasted two days and was irritable
and downhearted. Somewhat more irritable and downhearted
than usual, that is. And then I thought of RadioShack.
Therein, a non-greasy young man quickly directed me to a
strange product: a telescopic USB cable with one male plug
and one female adaptor, plus an assortment of different
male-to-male plugs, one end into the adaptor, the other
into the camera. Price: $20. I was dubious, but he assured
me one of the plugs would fit; if it didn't, he'd refund
my money. It worked. And he didn't take my phone number
either.
I liked RadioShack. I didn't go there often, but when I
did, I found a greater selection of electric gewgaws than
anywhere else. The salesman were determined to sell you
something, which may sound unpleasant, but consider the
alternative: the Wal-Mart
mentality—I have no idea what you're on
about, and I don't give a rat's ass, either—which, as
noted above, threatens to become the retail default. Oh
Lord, save us from the Wal-Mart mentality.

Saviour machine: Now I can take duck pictures
Kevin
Michael Grace, 10.01 p.m., 20 June 2005►

THOUGHT FOR THE DAY
Many Communists realized long
ago that a bloody, Russian-style revolution was not the
way to impose their ideas on advanced Western countries.
They rightly feared that Europeans and Americans,
Christian and conservative by upbringing, would never make
such a revolution. So they resolved to change
the people, leaving the issue of who
controlled the state until later.
They believed that an attack on morality, religion, the
family and traditional education would transform society
much more effectively than a seizure of power.
Many of these men gathered in Frankfurt in 1923 in what
they called the Institute
for Social Research but which became known
as the "Frankfurt
School." Many members fled to America
when Hitler came to power in 1933 and became highly
influential in US universities, the cradles of political
correctness. One of their leaders, the Hungarian Georg
Lukács, said they were there to answer the
question: "Who shall save us from Western
Civilization?"
Lukács, in his period as schools commissar in the
short-lived Hungarian Soviet Republic, devised sex
education as a deliberate way of debauching the minds of
the young.
Other leading members included Theodor
Adorno, whose book The
Authoritarian Personality first put
forward the idea that holders of conservative views were
in some way unbalanced. But the most influential was Herbert
Marcuse, believed to be the inventor of the
slogan "Make Love, Not War," prophet of the
sexual revolution and the Sixties counterculture.
Almost all the ideas of radical antifamily feminists,
sex-education fanatics, homosexual equality campaigners
and radical school reformers can be traced to this origin.
So can the campaign to get rid of traditional history and
literature in schools. It is one of the most successful
political initiatives in modern history, all the more so
because most of those influenced by it have never even
heard of it.
—Peter Hitchens, London Mail on Sunday, 19 June
2005
Kevin
Michael Grace, 12.42 p.m., 20 June 2005►

IS THIS
THE STUPIDEST MP IN PARLIAMENT?
A month after the catastrophe of Belinda
Stronach's defection, the Conservative
Party has completed its coping process. Shock has been
succeeded by anger, bitterness, depression and, finally,
petulance.
On Friday, Conservative Party MP Helena
Guergis (pictured above) co-sponsored (with
MP Joe Preston) Private Members' Bill C-408,
the Closing The Stable Door After The Horse Has Bolted
Act. If passed, this bill will punish any MP who leaves
his (or her) caucus (for another party or to sit as an
independent) by stripping him of his (or her) seat. Future
Belindas would be forced to seek immediate re-election
under a different party banner (or none).
Guergis told the Canadian Press:
It's about democracy; it's
about integrity [and] restoring voter confidence. When
voters elected that person they made the decision based on
what they campaigned for and what party they were
representing. If they're not going to continue to get what
they voted for, then they should have the right to have
what they want.
Well, they obviously don't elect them based on their
ability to speak English sentences.
Guergis's is certainly a novel approach to addressing
the "democratic deficit." Already, no one can
run for Parliament unless his (or her) party leader signs
the nomination papers, and of course the caucus no longer
elects the leader; the leader elects the caucus. But the
problem, as Guergis understands it, is that party leaders
still don't have enough control over their MPs.
Yes, we must all agree it is wicked for MPs to change
party affiliation, but I'm a little confused. Was this
always wicked, or did it only become so after Belinda
bolted on 17 May 2005? Should Guergis take a look at her
caucus, she might notice that most of its members have
changed party affiliation once during the last year
(Canadian Alliance to Conservative or Progressive
Conservative to Conservative), that several dozen have changed
twice over the last five years (Reform to Canadian
Alliance, Canadian Alliance to Conservative) while several
(Chuck Strahl, Monte Solberg, Gary Lunn, et al.)
have changed four times (Reform to Canadian
Alliance to League
of Democratic X-Men to Canadian Alliance to
Conservative Party).
Does Helena Guergis really want to remind the voters of
this? If saying one thing then doing another and
campaigning for one party then bolting to another are
wicked things, then the Conservative caucus has a lot to
answer for. Consider the following statements, made by
newly-elected leader Stephen Harper at the Canadian
Alliance convention, 6 April 2002:
- "This kind of energy tells me something. It
tells me that this party is strong. It tells me that
the Canadian Alliance is here to stay."
- "As I promised to you over and over during the
leadership race, my priority is to rebuild this party
for the next election and there is no time to
lose."
- "We must continue to be guided by our founding
vision of conservatism."
- "We will never abandon our principles and
policies."
And what of the Conservative's deputy leader, Peter
MacKay? Oh, that poor
man, betrayed twice by Belinda, betrayed in
the caucus and betrayed in the boudoir. Funny, I don't
recall much sympathy for David
Orchard and for the Progressive
Conservative Party after MacKay euthanized the latter
despite a written
agreement with the former. I've said it
before, and I'll say it again—the newstyle Conservative
Party was born of deceit and betrayal with an entirely
cynical purpose: winning the next election before anyone
could figure out what (if anything) it stood for. But they
blew it last year, and they've blown it this year. And,
now, like many disappointed cynics before them, they've
belatedly discovered principles. Well, good luck
with that.
There was one great principle the Conservatives found
themselves on the right side of: the
sovereignty of Parliament. Paul Martin's
mafia mocked it, then wrecked it. But Stephen Harper's
party couldn't be bothered to make anything of this.
Perhaps they don't care. In any event, they much prefer to
shake their fists, impotently, at Belinda Stronach's back.
So is Helena Guergis the stupidest MP in Parliament? No
more stupid than the rest of her Stupid Party, I'm afraid.
And no more stupid that what
passes for "conservative" or
"right-wing" in this benighted
country.
Kevin
Michael Grace, 11.36 a.m., 20 June 2005►


CITY OF DUCKS
I have developed a great passion for ducks. They are
graceful—never more so than when gliding on still
ponds—and yet still somewhat absurd. They can walk, fly and
swim. They love to play and to fight, and their angry
noises cause them to resemble querulous French Canadians.
Alexander Chancellor calls ducks "the most charming
of birds," and I must agree. They make a lovely
change from thoughts of dictatorship and violence.
I never paid much attention to ducks until I moved to
Victoria. The City of Victoria, that is, and that was only
last autumn. There is an astonishing amount of beauty here
available free for the taking and plenty of ducks to
observe. Beacon
Hill Park is home to many. Coming from
Vancouver, I suppose I should regard this as a junior
varsity Stanley
Park, but I actually prefer it. It's easier
to get to, doesn't have a freeway running through it and
is admirably free of "amenities." This last is a
guarantee against children of all ages being dragged there
against their wills with the promise of "fun" to
everyone's detriment.
I came across Bowker
Creek Park, which is in Oak Bay, by
accident. It is the neatest park I've ever seen.
Victorians must be exceptionally polite, because Bowker
Creek adjoins a high school yet is not clogged with
refuse. The students don't torment the ducks, either. Not
that I've seen, at any rate.
I'm ashamed to admit that I'd didn't even know about Government
House until a week ago. This is where the
Lieutenant Governor lives. It is open to the public
without charge, which is as it should be and a fine gift
to the people of British Columbia. I've come to notice
that the most unpleasant people are the most attracted to
conspicuous consumption. This explains, I believe, why
walking is so unpopular. It doesn't cost anything, you
see. Unlike jogging and bicycling, it requires no
expensive accoutrements. My hypothesis also explains why
the grounds
of Government House were empty yesterday, save for a few
oldies, on a glorious summer afternoon. Whereas I'm sure Butchart
Gardens, which costs twenty-two dollars a
head, was as vibrant as Chandigarh.
I can't claim that Government House's gardens are as
elaborate as Butchart's, and there are no fireworks
displays or fish and chip stands, but I find that beauty
is best appreciated in relative solitude. And Government
House is a setting of considerable beauty. If affords
panoramic vistas south to the Strait of Juan de Fuca and
across to Washington's Olympic Mountains. It also features
the best stands of Garry
Oaks I've yet seen. The duck pond is
supposed to host turtles, but I didn't see any. Another
time, perhaps. There were, however, a score of ducks
sunning themselves on the rocks and even a family of
ducklings. I took dozens of snaps, one of which is
reproduced above. I know that amateur photography is
considered as annoying as the recounting of one's dreams,
so I'll inflict only thumbnails from here on in.





Kevin
Michael Grace, 12.22 a.m., 18 June 2005►

THOUGHT FOR THE DAY
In the course of this study
one thing has always been present in my mind, which seemed
to me so evident that I did not think it worthwhile to lay
much stress on it—that men who are participating in a
great social movement always picture their coming action
as a battle in which their cause is certain to triumph.
These constructions, knowledge of which is so important
for historians, I propose to call myths.
—Georges Sorel, Reflections
On Violence
Kevin
Michael Grace, 11.53 p.m., 16 June 2005►

MUSHROOM NATION
Oncoming
Man is more entertaining than anything I've
ever seen on Cops, but where's the catharsis? It's
not just—as Colby Cosh points
out—that OC got only four years for his
crimes. (And if I remember my Canadian parole protocol
correctly, that means he'll serve no more than 16 months.)
More disturbing still is that Oncoming Man's identity is
considered none of our our business. The 14 June National
Post reports:
Although
a CKNW radio news report last week identified the offender
as Robert Osbourne, the face of the truck thief was
blurred out in the DVD version of the video that police
released to the news media.
They
said the legal opinion given to police was that it would
be a violation of the federal Privacy
Act to show the man's face and reveal his
identity, even though the video was accepted as evidence
in court during a preliminary hearing and the trial has
ended.

Man without a face: Robert Osbourne
And from the Baitcar.com FAQ:
Why is the suspect's
name not released? It is highly unusual for
police to release a crime video to the public after a
trial. In this case, we want to educate the public about
how destructive crystal meth is and how dangerous auto
theft is. We hope that showing this video could prevent
someone from trying drugs for the first time. This message
can be accomplished without releasing the name of the
accused. The Federal Privacy Act prevents government
agencies from releasing the names or images of people
unless there is a public need to do so. In this case,
there isn't, and the story can be told just as easily
without his name being mentioned.
Gosh, we wouldn't want to embarrass Mr Osborne, who
has, the Vancouver
Province reports, "faced 123
charges in the past six years." Or perhaps
"educate the public" that should they see his
face or hear his name after he hits the streets again next
year they should run like hell.
The police don't work for us, and they aren't our
friends. They work for governments, and our governments
don't believe that criminals should pay for their crimes
with serious sentences. Neither do judges or prosecutors.
So it's easy to see why criminals now boast privacy
rights. Not to protect them but to protect their
protectors: the prosecutors and judges, the National
Parole Board, Corrections Canada and the politicians.
Let's suppose that at some time in the future some
unlucky person gets in front of Robert Osbourne's stolen
car or in front of his gun that doesn't jam and ends up
maimed or dead. The point of the change to the Privacy Act
is to prevent anyone from discovering his priors and then
asking difficult questions. The situation I just described
is simply routine in Canada. Osbourne's history would come
to light because of his previous notoriety, but most
career criminals will remain obscure.
There are certain data that must be freely available to
all if society is to regulate itself. Criminal records are
one set and court proceedings another. Yet publication
bans have become so routine that few will
care when our criminal justice system goes entirely sub
rosa. One expects almost daily that the media will be
expressly forbidden to mention previous convictions at any
time, upon pain of contempt.
Will any government data remain public in Canada? Two
years, we lost the right to search divorce records. Glen
McGregor reported in the Vancouver Sun 3 November
2003:
Bureaucrats
in the department of justice decided to cut off access to
its Central Divorce Registry—a
massive database of information about ongoing and past
divorce proceedings—after an
internal review of its privacy policies.
Before the ruling, the registry fielded about 150
telephone calls every day from people seeking information
about ongoing or past divorces. The registry provided the
name of the divorcing spouses, the date of the divorce and
the court location and file number of the legal documents.
The service was used by lawyers, genealogists,
journalists, private investigators and even the occasional
suspicious girlfriend or boyfriend. But this spring, the
department decided that releasing this information was a
violation of the Privacy Act. Now only the divorcing
parties will be given the information.
Although the divorce documents will remain public in the
locations they were filed, it will be difficult to
determine wh